GORKHALAND: DEMANDS FOR A STATE WITHIN A STATE

This GRID91 report examines the ongoing agitation for the formation of a separate Gorkhaland within West Bengal state. The statehood movement which began in early June, in the picturesque Darjeeling and was launched against the alleged imposition of Bengali as a compulsory language in schools of the Darjeeling hills region and surrounding areas had escalated into sporadic instances of violent unrest. The angst against the state government under West Bengal Chief Minister (CM) Mamata Banerjee, has been at the center of the movement, with the Gorkhas alleging that the state had dispensed an unjust attitude with respect to Darjeeling and other Nepali-dominated regions within the state. The killing of three GJM workers in police firing acted to further anger the protesting Gorkhas, who by then had organized a funeral procession of the workers and indulged in arson and violence against the state. The profiles of Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leader Bimal Gurung and that of late Gorkhaland National Liberation Front (GNLF) leader Subhash Ghising are also featured within. 

The report sheds light on the historical significance of the Gorkhaland movement while elaborating on the formation of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), which is known to be the brainchild of Banerjee herself. Various caste-based demands of the Gorkhas are also highlighted as well as the traditional Bengali-Nepali divide which has acted to further the demands of the GJM, on the grounds of cultural and lexical differences seen within the state of West Bengal. An underlining of the possible ‘Domino Effect’ in the case that the state and central governments give in to the demands of the GJM and associated outfits is provided. Moreover, a brief summary of various movements across several states in the country can also be understood reading the report. Lastly, the way forward for all major stakeholders, including the centre-ruling BJP, the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC)-led state government and the GJM is emphasized on in the latter sections of this report. 

On June 10, 2017, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) declared an indefinite strike across districts under the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), encompassing municipality offices and banks beginning on June 12, 2017. The strike, termed as a non-cooperation movement led by GJM Chief and Gorkha leader Bimal Gurung was launched primarily for the long-standing demands of the Gorkhas of West Bengal and Assam, relating to the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland and in opposition to the alleged imposition of Bengali on predominantly Nepali-speaking areas around Darjeeling Hills by the West Bengal state government. The Gorkha-dominated hill tracts in West Bengal have continued to be restive over the years due to similar demands and reached their apex during the seizure of power by the GJM from the GNLF.

Gorkhaland was a term coined by Subhash Ghisingh, erstwhile leader of the GNLF, who led a violent agitation in the early and late 1980’s for the formation of a separate state within West Bengal to comprise of Nepali-speaking areas. The West Bengal Legislative Assembly passed a bill with regards to the creation of a semi-autonomous region named the GTA, that gave administrative, financial and executive powers to the local Gorkhas. While legislative powers were excluded, the newly created semi-autonomous GTA exerted authority over the hill subdivisions of Darjeeling, Kurseong, Mirik, Kalimpong district and certain areas in Siliguri subdivision. Following the acceptance of the formation of the proposed GTA by then President Pratibha Patil, the West Bengal government released a list of 45 constituencies for the GTA and recommended the assimilation of five other hill administrative districts against the 398 proposed by the GJM. The inclusion was recommended by the Justice Shyamal Kumar Sen committee, which was vehemently opposed and later rejected by the GJM. Further, while the GJM had initially decided to boycott the elections for 45 constituencies in the GTA, it later participated in the elections winning all the 45 constituencies despite the fact that the West Bengal-ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) had fielded 17 candidates.

In 2013, when voices for a separate Gorkhaland had reached their pinnacle, leading to a similar movement, the then centre-ruling Indian National Congress (INC), the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) as well as the AITC had strongly opposed the division of West Bengal and criticized the GJM’s agitation which had taken a violent color. In 2013, the Gorkhaland Joint Action Committee (GJLAC) comprising of the GJM, six other Gorkha political outfits as well as the Hill Congress had observed a similar phase-wise protest movement, for the constitution of a committee on Gorkhaland and to oppose the supposed oppressive steps taken by the Mamata Banerjee government against the Gorkhas. The Banerjee government in retaliation had arrested several GJM activists for their involvement in a ‘people’s curfew’ including GJM youth-wing leader Benoy Tamang.   

The situation in Darjeeling and surrounding areas, having a considerable GJM presence remains grim at the time of writing. The concerns of the locals with regards to the alleged imposition of Bengali by the Mamata Banerjee government in schools situated under the GTA can be cited as the primary reason for the renewal of the agitation and the subsequent violent unrest. Nepali has been the official language in the hills of West Bengal since 1961 and is a sensitive matter which is correlated to the identity of the Gorkhas. While the West Bengal government clarified its stance on the issue by stating that Bengali would be an optional subject and not mandatory, the GJM had by then turned the language issue into a renewed demand for Gorkhaland. 

Following a call for direct action given by GJM leader Bimal Gurung, the cadre of the Hill party indulged in violent protesting, hurling petrol bombs, stones and glass bottles at the local police who were deployed in Darjeeling and neighboring areas. The GJM also organized a number of flag marches along the streets of Darjeeling and other areas under GTA. The local police responded to the unrest with the utilization of dispersal options such as tear gas and baton charge. However, the police had to later resort to firing on the unruly crowd, leading to the death of three GJM activists on June 18, 2017. Funeral processions were held for the deceased activists as protesters blocked the arterial National Highway (NH) 31A, connecting Sevoke in Darjeeling district to Gangtok and a lifeline to Sikkim state. Previously between June 11-12, 2017 alleged GJM members had set government offices in Bijanbari and Darjeeling ablaze following which the West Bengal conducted a series of raids on GJM offices in Patlebas, a town around five kilometers from Darjeeling. An arms cache consisting of bows and arrows, axes and other crude weapons was recovered. On June 19, 2017, vehicles were set on fire by Gorkhaland supporters on NH 10 at Setijora, approximately 37 kilometers from the Gorkha town of Kalimpong. GJM rallies were held at Mirik, Kalimpong, and Darjeeling where effigies of Mamata Banerjee were burnt by GJM members. 

Given the clarification of the West Bengal government on the Bengali-Nepali conundrum, the Mamata Banerjee-led AITC government in West Bengal has accused Gurung and his outfit of having clandestine links with Northeast Indian extremist groups. Further, following the victory of the AITC in the Mirik municipality elections, a known stronghold of the GJM, the movement has been looked at by many political observers through the prism of Bimal Gurung’s intentions of reviving his political fortunes which have since the municipality elections taken a fall. The centre-ruling BJP’s stand has however remained equivocal on the issue of Gorkhaland. While Darjeeling Member of Parliament (MP), SS Ahluwalia has raised the matter with the party high command, the West Bengal BJP is against the formation of a separate state, while several top local functionaries of the BJP have claimed that their decade-long alliance with the Gorkha party has revolved around electoral gains. While election victories might be a basis of BJP’s support for the GJM, it is unlikely that the centre-ruling party might make concessions for the Gorkha-centric outfit, given that it has an eye on expanding its voter-base in West Bengal, where the rural population seems to have developed a new affinity to the right. A bifurcation of West Bengal in the short term would be disastrous for BJP’s fortunes in the state, taking into account the anti-Gorkhaland sentiments within the general public.  

Subhash Ghising the leader of GNLF led a violent movement after allegedly being cast away by the central leadership on demands for a separate Gorkhaland between 1986-88. The Communist government in West Bengal had also persistently reneged on its promises of more autonomy and the eventual formation of a separate Gorkhaland. The violent movement which culminated in several massacres and the deaths of around 1,200 Gorkhas and hundreds of security personnel came to an end with the formation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC). While Ghising was viewed as an autocrat in the hills, he maintained his image as the most eminent leader of the Gorkhas for a considerable duration of time, before being replaced by a more firebrand and young leader, in Bimal Gurung who formed the GJM and was opposed to the policies of the GNLF. The formation of the DGHC, a lower substitute for a separate state though accepted by the GNLF, did not resonate with the local populace of the hills and led to a drastic drop in Ghising’s popularity. 

While Bimal Gurung today heads the Gorkha struggle for statehood, he was earlier the leader of the fearsome Gorkha Volunteer Corps (GVC), the militant wing of the GNLF. Gurung’s volunteer corps are known to have been involved in several abductions and killings during the violent Gorkhaland agitation of the 1980’s. In 2012, Madan Tamang, a Gorkha leader who was opposed to Gurung’s ideology was killed publically. These incidents, an indicator of Gurung’s violent past have not however reduced his support base in the Darjeeling Hills and surrounding areas with a Gorkha concentration. This can be attributed to the fact that he remains the only alternative for the Gorkha people and their demand for a separate state. His rivals including certain leaders of the GNLF such as Neeraj Zimba have openly expressed their support for Gurung’s leadership. The pro-Gorkhaland, Jan Andolan Party while supporting Gurung, demanded a written assurance from the BJP for the formation of a separate Gorkhaland and is known to have approached SS Ahluwalia, the BJP MP from Darjeeling for his support with respect to the statehood issue.

Following his ascendancy to power in the Darjeeling Hills and within the Gorkhas across India, Bimal Gurung began the second people’s movement for Gorkhaland in 2007 and during the last days of the 34-year old regime of the Left parties in West Bengal. The formation of the GJM by Gurung led to the crushing of dissent within the Gorkha ranks while his mentor and GNLF Chief Ghising was exiled to Jalpaiguri town. Gurung followed Ghising’s principles of nonviolence and noncooperation superficially while adhering to more extremist views internally. In the aftermath of Gurung’s rise to power, West Bengal government hoardings were replaced by Gorkhaland posters while vehicle number plates were forcibly changed from ‘WB’ to ‘GL’. The GJM even restricted the movement of tea and timber and other resources out of the Darjeeling Hill tracts. A new development witnessed during the GJM’s political tenure was the demand for the proposed inclusion of the Dooars and Terai regions in Gorkhaland’s territorial area. 

Another pressing issue which previously acted to divide the Gorkha community is the proposed designation of 11 Gorkha communities as ‘tribal’, an entitlement only enjoyed by the Tamangs and Bhutia’s of the hills. While the demands are yet to be met, the Union Tribal Ministry has cited procedural issues relating to the expanse of Gorkha population across the country for the delay in the implementation of the pre-election promise of the Modi administration. Sources have indicated that the tribal status might indeed be a ploy of the BJP to secure an MP from Darjeeling, which has it been successful in achieving for two consecutive general elections. That said, in the recent past, divisions within the Gorkhas have taken a back seat and the demand for Gorkhaland has emerged as the singular point of engagement with the center. The tribal status for various sects within the Gorkhas, however, remains closely associated to the granting of Gorkhaland, given that the current community-wise distribution of privileges has been deemed as discriminatory. The indigenous tribes currently residing in the Darjeeling hills include Tamangs, Bhutias, Gurungs, Magars, Rais, Limbus, Sunuwars and Jirels. 

Darjeeling was ceded by Nepal to the British East India Company in 1815. However, a deep bond persists between the Nepali-speaking population of the Darjeeling hills and Kathmandu till date. While the Nepali-speaking population of West Bengal amounts to only 1.2 percent, Darjeeling for its booming tourism industry as well its tea plantations has always remained a focal point for Nepali activists who envision a ‘Greater Nepal’. Migration of Nepali-speaking people during the British rule into the tea gardens of Darjeeling and Assam is said to have expanded the influence of Nepali on the resident population. The Nepali language and the associated cultural references have had a significant impact on the states of Assam, Sikkim and West Bengal. Thus, Nepali as a language is deep-rooted within certain Northeast Indian states and has previously led to dissent within these states. 

The perception that the BJP-led state government has continued with its policy of elevating the status of Hindi as a national language, even in states where the language is not spoken by a majority of the population, has led to certain linguistic concerns. This might have also been the prime reason behind the West Bengal government’s decision to introduce the Bengali language as a compulsory subject in schools across the state, inadvertently affecting the Darjeeling hills. While the government might have made concessions for the predominantly Nepali-speaking Gorkhas, by introducing the optional clause, the initial decision of the Banerjee government is likely to have ruffled feathers in the hills and led to the GJM’s direct action. Given the division of states in India on the basis of linguistics, every region with a population that identifies with a language and culture that is divergent with that of the the majority, is liable to follow the Gorkhaland path in the future, especially if previous assurances by the government at the centre and state were given to a particular community. This scenario has been witnessed in several regions across the country and specifically in the northeast and other perceivably ignored areas or areas where a certain language has been thrust on minorities who have resided at a location for a considerable amount of time. 

Taking precedent from the creation of Telangana after the division of Andhra Pradesh, there remains a high possibility of the Gorkhaland movement having a ‘domino effect’ with respect to other states in India where several local communities with a considerable resident population have continued to decry the state government’s ignorant treatment to their cultural and economic aspirations. The prospective emergence of Gorkhaland is liable to have certain important effects in states where self-determination and statehood demands have already reached their fastigium. Further, the creation of Gorkhaland is likely to have an impact on the local politics of West Bengal, given that another power center will be formed in the hills of Darjeeling around 600 kilometers away from Kolkata. If the government accepts the demand for a separate Gorkhaland, the move might face a backlash in West Bengal, given that most Bengalis are against the idea of a further division of the state. A number of complexities can be attributed to newly formed states, many of which can be correlated to the government’s hesitation in granting statehood, specifically to geographically smaller prospective states. The financial viability of small states is likely to be a pressing issue for the center, given that such states are usually dependent on the union government for funds, particularly in the early stages of state-formation, taking into consideration the establishment of a state’s governmental apparatus. Moreover, as seen in the case of Uttarakhand, employment opportunities might reduce following the foundation of Gorkhaland, given that the youth might be restricted to jobs offered within the state’s ambit and not West Bengal as a whole. 

However, in the case of Gorkhaland, these factors might be minimized due to the extraordinary status of the areas around Darjeeling and Dooars. The abundant forest resources which provide substantial high-quality timber, plantations of cinchona and other exclusive crops, predominant tea industry and water resources available for the state’s development are already present within the state’s boundaries. Darjeeling and Dooars together constitute approximately 20 percent of the total land under tea cultivation in India and contribute around 7 percent of the total world tea production. Notably, auction centers and tea industries are all located in cities such as Kolkata. Furthermore, the confluence of multiple rivers such as Teesta, Mechi, Rangeet, Balasun and Soonkosh in the region might be harnessed to provide hydel-power to the newly formed state as well as surrounding areas. The proximity of the proposed Gorkhaland to northeastern states, Bihar and neighboring countries such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, and China are liable to help bolster trade for the state and the generation of revenue. 

A Home Ministry report had warned of at least 21 demands for new states within existing ones following the creation of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh in 2014. 

Ladakh

Population: 1.5 million

Members of Parliament: 2

Owing to the unitary constitutional and administrative structure of Jammu and Kashmir state, that is perceived to heavily favor the Kashmiri leadership, the population of Ladakh had demanded separate statehood for areas that fall under the region bordering China. Political, social and economic aspirations of the people of Ladakh are assumed to have been ignored by the administration which is centered around Srinagar. The opposition to the chorus of ‘Azadi’ (Independence) emanating from the Kashmir Valley can be cited as a primary reason for the demands for statehood for Ladakh. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP’s ideological parent is known to have proposed this internal bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into distinct administrative regions. 

Bundelkhand

Population: 50 million

Members of Parliament: 10

While the demand to carve out a separate Bundelkhand comprising of six districts of Madhya Pradesh as well as seven districts of Uttar Pradesh had turned dormant, the victory for the BJP in Uttar Pradesh is perceived to have rejuvenated demands for a separate Bundelkhand state. However, it is known that the districts of Madhya Pradesh have more or less given up on the demands for the formation of a new state. That said, the districts in Uttar Pradesh that combine to form Bundelkhand have been more assertive following the BJP victory in the state, given that the right-wing party has shown its willingness with regards to the formation of smaller states. The National Federation of the New States (NFNS) and actor turned politician, Raja Bundela have been at the forefront of renewed demands for Bundelkhand. 

Vidarbha

Population: 20.6 million

Members of Parliament: 10

The demand for the inception of Vidarbha from Maharashtra has been a matter of contention for successive state governments over the years. The proposed Vidarbha shall comprise of the Nagpur division and Amravati districts in Maharashtra, covering 31.6 percent of the state’s area and approximately 21 percent of its population. The alleged ignorance displayed by the seat of power in Mumbai and western Maharashtra are the pivotal reasons behind the decades-long agitation. An increasing number of farmer suicides have also been a predominant cause behind demands of a separate state. While Vidarbha remains culturally, politically and financially different from the rest of the state, the idea of a separate Vidarbha has been continually opposed by regional political outfits such as the Shiv Sena. Notably, the region is rich in minerals, coal and forest land. 

Bodoland

Population: 3 million

Member of Parliament: 1

The Bodos of Assam have been involved in a moderate as well as an armed struggle for a separate state of Bodoland for quite a long duration of time. While the Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) within Assam state was formed after numerous consultations to comprise of the territorial districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalguri, the cultural differences between the Bengali population of Assam and Bodos have continued to persist. With a rising clamor for Gorkhaland, Bodos in neighboring Assam are liable to demand their proposed distinct Bodoland state that would encompass territorial districts of the abovementioned coupled with non-contiguous areas across Dhubri, Barpeta, Kamrup, and Sonitpur. The All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) have been leading the agitation for a separate Bodoland. The establishment of a BJP-led government in Assam in 2016, under former All Assam Students Union (AASU) leader Sarbananda Sonowal and Himanta Biswa Sarma have raised the hopes of the Bodos for a separate state with Kokrajhar as its capital. 

• Taking into consideration that the Gorkha demands for a separate Gorkhaland have been historical with multiple agitations that were seen from the 1980’s, the calls for Gorkhaland are liable to be taken seriously by both the Mamata Banerjee-AITC government in West Bengal as well as the center. The escalation of the threat from violent protests leading to instances of vandalism of government buildings and the targeting of Bengali signposts and number plates in opposition to state government’s supposed diktat with regards to Bengali’s compulsory inclusion in the schools of the Darjeeling hills and surrounding regions acts as an indication of the growing resentment of the Gorkhas with respect to the West Bengal government and its alleged ignorance with respect to Nepali-speaking pockets in the state. 
• The AITC government in Kolkata has continued to oppose the creation of Gorkhaland with CM Banerjee claiming that Bimal Gurung and GJM have an association with militant groups operating in the Northeast. Further, apparently emboldened by the civic body election victory for the AITC in Mirik, the party and its chief might be testing the waters with regards to the on-ground support base in other pockets of the Darjeeling Hills. Given that the AITC had contested the introductory GTA elections on 17 of the 45 available seats, the AITC can be assumed to have been confident of its support base in the region, despite the fact that it did not win a single seat. Mamata Banerjee’s strategy of indulging the minorities of the hills as opposed to its dominant Nepali population might have led to gains for the AITC in the short term, however, these tactics have increased the disaffection of the majority against the West Bengal government. While several of the other Gorkha outfits including the GNLF have had apprehensions about Gurung and his style of functioning in the past, the united stand displayed by these outfits might be directed at avoiding a complete alienation by the general populace of the hills.
• The centre-ruling BJP’s outlook over Gorkhaland has remained ambivalent, with the West Bengal BJP Chief, stating that the relationship with Gurung and the GJM remains only electorally sustained. That said, BJP leaders from the hills have criticized this attitude of the West Bengal BJP by committing to Gorkhaland and extending their support to the ongoing agitation. SS Ahluwalia’s visit to 7 Race Course Road (RCR) might not qualify as a watershed moment, however, the indecision within the BJP over the issue is liable to exasperate the Gorkhas. Importantly, the varying stances of leaders of the BJP in the center, the Darjeeling Hills and in West Bengal might act to further complicate the burning issue. Moreover, as mentioned above, the BJP that has intentions of establishing itself as a major force (main opposition party) in West Bengal, might be hesitant in granting statehood to the Gorkhas, keeping in mind the liable repercussions such a gambit might have on the fortunes of the party in the fourth most populous state in the country. SS Ahluwalia’s election as an MP from Darjeeling was due to the strategic support provided by the GJM to his candidature. Excluding Ahluwalia, the BJP does not possess any voter-base as such in Darjeeling and surrounding Nepali-speaking areas. Due to this, the BJP might give in to certain demands of GJM, specifically the inclusion of 11 Gorkha communities under the ‘Tribal’ category of reservations. 
• While the demands of Gorkhaland are not a novelty in the Indian political setup, these demands, which have their foundation in lexical and identity-based issues, might catalyze the internal ‘Balkanization’ of the Indian state, with several other communities, calling for statehood, within the federal setup. In neighboring Assam, the Bodo people are likely to take inspiration from the revolt in Gorkhaland with their longstanding demands for Bodoland. The Bodos have a significant presence in the Udalguri, Chirang, Baksa, Sonitpur, Goalpara, Dhemaji, Lakhimpur, Darrang, Bongaigaon and Kokrajhar districts of Assam. The BJP’s recent triumph in the Northeastern state might be challenged by a fresh demand for Bodoland. Further, the militant past of several moderate Bodo leaders and their alleged affiliation to active groups such as the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (Songbijit) NDFB(S) may prove to be another hurdle for the Sarbananda Sonowal government.   

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