Liberal Arts & Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ)
eISSN: 2664-8148 (online)
https://www.ideapublishers.org/index.php/lassij
Vol. 5, No. 1, (January-June 2021): 16-27
Research Article | Original Article
https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.2
Khamosh Pani: partition trauma, gender violence, and religious
extremism in Pakistan
Faizullah Jan*1 | Syed Irfan Ashraf1 | S. Fawad Ali Shah2
1. Department of Journalism & Mass Communication, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, Pakistan.
2. Department of Communications, Jacksonville State University, Alabama, United States.
* Corresponding Author Emails: faiz.jan@uop.edu.pk | faiz.jan@gmail.com
Abstract
This paper looks at the question of partition of British India in 1947 and the
rise of religious extremism in Pakistan through an analysis of internationally
acclaimed and award-winning Pakistani film Khamosh Pani (silent waters).
The paper uses Symbolic Interactionism and Feminist Theory with a critical
perspective to establish how the present-day religious extremism in
Pakistan has its roots in the colonial history of the country. However, it also
highlights the diagnostic inability of Symbolic Interactionism as it smacks
of the volunteerism and overlooks how statist and organized institutional
power infringes upon socio-political meaning making processes. This paper
argues that the film connects the communal nature of pre-partition violence
to grassroots contemporary religious extremism in Pakistan to show how
the rupture of a village life is the continuation of colonial heritage of
communal violence. We argue based on the findings of this study that
religious extremism that is manifest in today’s Pakistan is not a break from
the past; instead, it is rooted in the colonial history connecting the national
Pakistani elite with the regional neo-colonial interests.
Article History
Received:
October 19, 2020
Last Revised:
March 6, 2021
Accepted:
March 3, 2021
Published:
April 9, 2021
Keywords: partition, partition of India, gender, feminism, violence, communal violence, gender
based violence, patriarchy, colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism.
How to Cite:
Jan, F., Ashraf, S. I. & Shah, S. F. A. (2021). Khamosh Pani: partition trauma, gender violence and
religious extremism in Pakistan. Liberal Arts & Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ), 5(1),
16-27. https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.2
Publisher’s Note:
IDEA PUBLISHERS (IDEA Journals Group) stands neutral with regard to the jurisdictional claims in
the published maps and the institutional affiliations.
Copyright: © 2021 The Author(s), published by IDEA PUBLISHERS (IDEA Journals Group).
This is an Open Access article published under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial
4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/)
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1.
Introduction
‘Khamosh Pani’ (silent waters, 2003, directed by Sabiha Sumar) is a feature length historical
drama based on a true story of a Pakistani village shown as a microcosm of the pangs of the
spatial division of the Indian Subcontinent. The film is shot in the wider context of the
‘Partition’ and the consequent birth of India and Pakistan as two ‘independent’ countries,
following the British ‘withdrawal’ from India in 1947. Though the metaphor “Partition”
represents a communal violence, widely affecting Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, but the film
specifically focuses on a Sikh family, all the members of which escaped to India except one
woman who stayed in Pakistan. The term partition comes loaded with the collective memory
of the people—tragic and traumatic—and that of the state institutions, a wound that refuses to
heal. Seven decades since that fateful day in August 1947, it continues to impregnate bilateral
relations between India and Pakistan with hate, distrust, and mutual hostilities. As a chapter in
the mutual histories, the partition of India embodies pain, violence, and uncertainty, forever
hanging like a dark cloud overshadowing prospects between the two neighbouring countries.
Reinforcing the old adage that those who don't learn from history are condemned to relive it,
the film draws on the historical trauma of the two eras when, despite centuries of common
history, some Muslim landlords and business tycoons chose to cement religious differences as
a way to define themselves as separate entities and nations. History has come full circle.
Today's Pakistan, bearing the hallmarks of extremism with roots in the successive military
dictatorships, playing on the distrust that the Partition bred, and the hostilities therein threatens
global peace. And this is what contemporary India and Pakistan are reaping: the Modi’s regime
in India with its violent and intolerant pursuit of reshaping an exclusive India in the vision of
a communal Hindutva; and Pakistan where mobs — fed on state-supported anti-Hindu
sentiments — vandalize temples and stop the construction of new worship places, minor Hindu
girls are kidnaped and then forcibly converted to Islam (Ellis-Petersen, 2020; Mansoor, 2019).
It is this cycle of history that makes the film timeless, and attempts to relive, remind, and deliver
the warning that such an extremist attitude has a way of perpetuating itself in both the countries,
with disastrous grassroots implications for the people who may or may not subscribe to it.
Foregrounding the Partition, Silent Waters is both a metaphor and an augury; it foretells signs
of destruction approaching the two countries to engulf its people like silent water.
2.
Theoretical framework
Since its release in 2003, the film won accolades among the critics and the award circuits (BBC
News, 2003; Kara Awards, 2003). The debates it generated point to the relevance of its subject
matter to our world today—religious extremism undermining peace through hatred and
intolerance (Rashid, 2009; Ellis-Peterson, 2020; Gettleman et al., 2020; Dawn, 2011;
Economic Times, 2020; The Nation, 2018). This paper, while connecting this general debate
to postcolonial State and neo-imperialism, uses Symbolic Interactionism as its theoretical
framework. Symbolic Interactionism according to Blumer (1986; 2004), is a theoretical
framework which suggests that people derive meanings from social interactions and modify
through interpretation. We show how a pre-partition relatively meaningful life is subjected to
the tragic structure of history in a postcolonial State and the way both—history and postcolonial
state—influence everyday life to serve neo-imperial order entailing consequences for local and
global security.
The depiction of women and their body in this film nicely fits in the theoretical formulation of
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French scholar Michel Foucault (Foucault, 1978). Foucault in his seminal work Discipline and
Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1978), describes how the body of the prisoner was used to be
a spectacle of exercising power through punishment (Foucault, 1978). However, Foucault’s
theorization of power has been critiqued on two accounts; its eraser of women's specific
experiences with power and its inability to attend to the prospects and processes of
empowerment of women (Deveaux, 1994). Other scholars have highlighted the inadequacy of
Foucault’s work when it comes to the analysis of subjectivity formation and resistance in the
non-European context. Butalia (2000), for instance, criticsezs the male and high-politics centric
narratives of partition and brings to light the pain and trauma suffered by marginal populations,
especially women.
3.
Research methodology
This study investigates whether the text of the film Silent Waters flows in alliance with its
context or the other way round. To this end, we have employed Symbolic Interactionism, with
Critical Feminist Theory as a supplemental analytical tool. The film’s cinematic narrative is
critically examined to identify the symbolic and gendered themes embedded in it. The narrative
devices deployed in the movie have been grounded in their broader socio-political and
historico-cultural context to trace the shadow of the past on the present through the mirror of
this film.
4.
Partition: a peg that holds organized violence
The film opens in Charkhi village of Punjab, Pakistan’s largest province. It is in this village
where the social fabric of a community is slowly tearing apart under the colonial heritage of
communal violence. Back in 1947, at the time of Pakistan's independence, Charkhi was home
to both Sikhs and Muslims. Charkhi is where Punja Sahib, the second holiest shrine of Sikhism
after Golden Temple in Amritsar in India, is also situated. When communal violence ensued
after the Partition, most of the Sikh inhabitants of the village fled or were forced to flee. The
horrid reality of the Partition hit entire populations seeking to escape the violence but for the
women, a vulnerable section of the society, it was especially traumatic as they were kidnapped,
raped, and killed by Muslim zealots. Men killing their own women to ‘save their honour’ was
a grisly reality that faced the female population and often there was no escape because they
were dependent on men and their decisions. Many women also chose to commit suicide to
escape the mass communal insanity.
It is the Pakistan of 1980s. Ayesha, a widowed Muslim woman, lives in Charkhi with her son.
Once Ayesha was a young Sikh girl at the time of Partition who did not choose suicide like the
other Sikh women when communal violence came to Charkhi in 1947; she did not jump into a
well like the other women of her family. Her instincts were that of a young person: to live by
fleeing the troubles. But even as she fled, was ambushed by murderous Muslim zealots lying
in wait. The choice left to her was to marry a Muslim or die. She chose the former. She forsook
her faith and from Veroo, a common Sikh name, became Ayesha, a venerated Muslim name.
In time, a son is born to her. Soon after, her Muslim husband died. She had to raise her son
Saleem who falls in love with the vivacious Zubaida, a girl from his Muslim-dominated village.
The Pakistan of the 1980s was a country under the twin onslaught of a military dictatorship,
General Ziaul Haq, that sought death to democracy and an engineered rebirth of radical Islam
as the leitmotif underpinning the governance, legislation, and foreign relations. In the
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neighbouring Afghanistan, a U.S-funded proxy war called Jihad was raging against the Soviet
occupation, with Pakistani military training and equipping mujahideen, the Islamist jihadists,
with support from the capitalist West and Saudi Arabia (Mark & Yousaf, 2001). General Zia
had turned Pakistan into a veritable theocracy, with a militant Sunni bent (Ali, 2003; Jalal,
2014; Haqqani, 2005). Amidst this, two young preachers come to the village, drunk on the Zia's
radical vision of Islamization, seeking to find potential converts to their militant outlook. The
situation takes an alarming twist for the community including Ayesha, Saleem's mother, when
that year scores of Sikhs arrive from India and Pakistan for their annual pilgrimage to the shrine
of Punja Sahib at Charkhi.
Meanwhile, the powerful village landlord extends support to the two religious evangelists in
their pursuit to convert young people to their radical cause. Like many youths seeking a purpose
in life and a social and political identity, Ayesha's son Saleem is an easy prey to the evangelists.
A young and confused orphan, Saleem joins the Islamist group and soon becomes a religious
bigot on gaining the identity where people generally lend an ear to his religious views. A newly
radicalized Saleem jilts the girl he once loved and questions his own mother’s past. Is his
mother's faith pure? Is she, as a convert, loyal to Islam? As the young man spends more time
with his fanatic friends, their influence on him grows and eclipses all relations. He grows rude
to his mother by the day. His new, fanatic friends feed on Saleem's confusion and as he grows
distant from his social circle, he questions his own reality where his sense of Ayesha as his
mother collides with the religiously fraught knowledge of her as a woman with a Sikh past,
"the sister of a (Sikh) non-believer." In this new reality where his mother turns a non-believer,
the whole notion of a "family" disintegrates for the radicalized youth because his mother was
his family. As is often the case with such youth, the concept of family changes from the social
one to a religious one, because the youth feel closer to the outlook of those who radicalized
him. They are his family now.
Under pressure from his new friends, Saleem asks his mother to proclaim her faith again in
front of a village gathering. For the mother it brings back flashbacks of a painful past because
she now sees the reflection of the men who, seized by religious hatred, killed her family on the
eve of the Partition. But the village is now completely under the sway of radical religiosity.
The villagers, afraid of the backlash from extremists who had become more entrenched in the
village affairs and community, shun Ayesha. Persecuted by the religious fringe, abandoned by
her family, and banished from the village community under the sway of the fundamentalists,
she is driven to a path she once refused to take: she rushes out and plunges into the same deep
well that she fled from decades ago and where many of her friends had drowned themselves.
An unrepentant Saleem grows into the kind of fundamentalist politician that the General Zia
regime endorsed and colluded with, to find legitimacy for his brutal Martial Law regime.
Despite his rejection, Zubaida stood by Ayesha till last. She soon leaves Charkhi to pursue her
education and make a career in the garrison city of Rawalpindi.
Silent Waters underpins the need for a mystical, tolerant Islam. Until Zia's dictatorship and the
attendant Afghan Jihad and the Pakistani state's dependence on religious parties to provide
proxies for its regional wars, that was the Islam that the people of Pakistan once knew. What
began in 1979, replaced the mystical Islam with a demonstrative and intolerant religiosity.
5.
Meaningful life stuck between mosque and state
Construction of reality is a social process, an interactive communicative phenomenon carried
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out through complex ideological means. American sociologist George Herbert Mead (1962)
posits that people do not react directly to events; they act based on their interpretation of the
meaning of events or symbols. People assign meanings to objects and events, interpret them,
and then react to these according to their subjective interpretation. To frame this ideological
process in sociological terms, Blumer (1986; 2004) coined the term ‘symbolic interactionism’
which means that people engage and react to meanings, which are derived from social
interaction and modified through interpretation. This is how a particular worldview is
constructed through the meaning-making process of symbolic interaction (Pascale, 2011).
However, we argue that the emergence of a particular worldview cannot be reduced only to
free social interactions. Doing so runs the risk of voluntarism (Hays, 1994), a focus only on the
free interplay of relationship in a social sphere without identifying those external influences
which shape the ideological sphere. Voluntarism, argues Hays (1994), also suggests an agency
on part of the individual, a freedom to choose and to interpret. Since no social interaction is
free of State influence in a postcolonial State such as Pakistan, symbolic interactionism is as
much a state-peddled ideological process as it is a social phenomenon.
In Silent Waters, the reality of religion and society at large—and even ‘motherhood’ changes
for Saleem with a change in social interaction. A new set of human interactions emerge with
the arrival of a group of extremist outsiders in the village who strategically use mosque to
interact with youngsters. As a result, new meanings and reinterpretations are created. The
emerging worldview not only challenges the free/liberal village spaces, but it also contributes
to the inversion of the existing sphere of easy-going village life. After joining the ranks of
religious fanatics, in other words, Saleem now has a new concept of reality. In this reality,
Ayesha is his mother, but at the same time, she is also what he exactly called her ‘the sister of
a non-believer (Sikh).’
Associating her mother with a non-believer, Saleem redefines the ‘object’ of family in relation
to the social category ‘mother.’ Her past religion is signified more than motherhood and
Muslim religious ‘piety’ of his mother. As religious political engineering is fuelled by a
bandwagon of backward march to a mythical golden ‘unadulterated past,’ Zia’s Islamizing was
also propelled on the gears of religious purification. Saleem’s new fanatic peers instigated him
to not only ‘purify’ his own cognitive makeup (memory), but also his mother’s. Consequently,
he tried to purify, or to use a metallurgical term, ‘leach’ his mother in the public crucible.
Symbolic interactionism forced Saleem to re-interact with himself and his mother—the two
major sites and symbols of his interactions. This is how an outside discourse, the outcome of
symbolic interactionism, changes the texture of his thoughts, giving altogether new meanings
to his outlook on life.
The change in Saleem’s worldview was a dominant factor in an overall change in his approach
to his own identity. But this transformation was socially overdetermined, the outcome of the
process of symbolic interactionism. In an argument with his mother, for instance, Saleem
asserts, “now people stop and listen to me. I am somebody [now].” Basking in a new reality,
which his extremist social group constructs for him, Saleem reinterprets his village-bound
symbols and events. Now that people listen to him with reverence, he smells power.
What is significant about the film is the way it depicts how personal and social contradictions
in the life of common people expropriated in Pakistan, politically as well as ideologically, and
how this complex process feeds on traumatic memories of the troubled colonial history. For
Saleem, his mother’s past becomes more significant than her present: a spectre of Partition
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haunts the prospects of living a peaceful life. Now, for Saleem, the very meaning of blood
relation has changed. Ayesha was no more his mother—not even a mother figure, much less
one who shares his Muslim faith and teaches the Quran to the village children—but the Other,
a traitor-in-the-ranks whose lineage could be traced back to the Partition, and to a different
faith than his own. At the same time, his former lover, Zubaida, for him becomes someone who
tries to “mislead” and “disgrace” him by her love; he feels a threat to his masculinity in
Zubaida’s determination to pursue education and make a career. Introduced to a militant
version of Islam, the village’s patriarchal system begins to feed on a festering history and
together they all begin to feed the militant spirit of changing time in Zia’s Pakistan.
Silent Waters is a depiction of a society which carried a strong undercurrent of imbalance at
the gender level. The film depicts a male-dominated society in which masculine power plays
out on the body of women. Feminist theory emphasizes that women are discriminated against
in a variety of ways, and defines the role of sexuality in the matrix of domination. Though it is
also true that not all women are oppressed the same way: some face gender inequality and
gender differences, while others undergo gender and structural oppression. But what cannot
be contested is the (degrees of) "vulnerability" of women and their secondary status in a
patriarchal, male-dominated milieu, such as the village in question.
In the same line of argument, feminists like Collins (2008) emphasize an intersectionality to
explain oppression and inequality across class, gender, race, ethnicity, and age. Religion is no
exception to this list. Out of context readings of sacrosanct text in a domain ruled by hyper
masculinities could generate toxic tendencies leading to mass violence, an emerging challenge
in the increasingly globalized world, thanks to communication technology that is causing
unprecedented time and space collapse. But the less powerful sections of society in a country
like Pakistan are also on the receiving end of this global transformation. The crux of feminist
theory is that women are oppressed and discriminated against because of their being female,
ignoring the role of those global forces overdetermining the already marginalized role of
women in society. For Ayesha, a woman in a patriarchal, feudal setting that is a Pakistani
village, the dice was already loaded, then, and the only way left was the one that led to the well.
That is why many feminists argue that in a patriarchy, the division of labour is contingent on
sexist patterning where women are denied the opportunity to express and practice reasoning
(Zia A. S., 2018; Butt & Shahid, 2012; Saigol, 2016). They are restricted to the private sphere
of the household and have no voice in the public sphere or decision-making process.
In Silent Waters, the role of Ayesha, Saleem’s mother, is also the embodiment of a woman
caught in a sphere of toxic masculinities drawing inspiration from the spirit of highly charged
political temporality. This temporality was impregnated by the military dictator Zia’s policy of
military support for ‘Afghan Jihad’ being fought across the border at the height of Cold War
politics in early 1980s. This depiction of women and their body nicely fits in the theoretical
formulation suggested by French scholar Michel Foucault (Foucault, 1978). Foucault in his
seminal work Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1978), describes how the body
of the prisoner was used to be a spectacle of exercising power through punishment (Foucault,
1978). This concept explains Ayesha’s predicament. The prison is the village, its traditions and
customs that places the prisoner in the four walls of her home, a prison within a prison, within
which a woman’s body is a site for power contestation.
Ayesha's is a disposable body caught between toxic masculinities whose game of hatred leaves
little space to make a choice free of the shackles of patriarchy, much less radicalism and
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extremism engendered - in the national, international, regional and the hyper-local domain of
a village and community - by men in position of power. This reality is depicted in the film
through extremist discourse carried out between religious fundamentalists and patriarchal
nationalists who mostly refer to women when they try to explain how and why to save their
collective ‘honour’. Women are visible in the film, but they are shown caught up in
claustrophobic spaces: inside their homes, sewing, cooking, and washing clothes—which
reveals how gender inequality is implicit in unpaid labour. When they are shown outside their
homes, they are going to fetch water from a community well, or as children going to school. In
this patriarchal depiction, women have no agency or capacity for moral reasoning. They are
merely disposable bodies working as appendage to the whims of toxic masculinities
weaponized by the puritanical Wahabi strand of Islam.
Almost no family relation is outside of the representation of this claustrophobic reality, a
complex reality depicted quite effectively in the film weaving a pernicious thread of extremism
around a women’s body. Saleem, a male member of the family, imposes himself on his mother
by making moral arguments with her. Which leaves her speechless when her son questions her
loyalty to his religion, i.e., Islam. The tragic drama shows how females, collectively and
individually, constitute the honour of their men on both sides of the religious divide. Similarly,
when Sikh men talk about their so-called honour, they make frequent references to their ‘own’
women. For instance, when a group of Sikh pilgrims in Charkhi village shrine reminisces about
their pre-Partition life, one of them asks about any Sikh women left behind. This mentioning
riles up another Sikh pilgrim who roars with rage at the thought of how a Sikh woman daring
to remain behind or ending up in the hands of Muslims. It is a notion repugnant to both religious
and ethnic identity. Relations with such women dissolves in the acid of hatred, reinventing life
laced with extremism and nationalism. When Ayesha’s brother comes to the village to search
for his sister, she refuses to recognize him. Thus, she again sacrifices a blood relation to protect
the ‘honour’ of the men.
To overcome this notion, the Sikh pilgrim—as if soothing their ruffled feelings—reassuringly
adds, “My uncle had killed 22 women of his family with his own hands to save our honour”.
Similarly, Muslim extremists [in another scene] rebuke their fellows in these words: “Indians
would come and pick our women to dishonour us, while you will be worrying about day-today life.”
The effective portrayal of extreme forms of gender inequality is a significant attribute of the
film which realistically depicts the way the historic form of pre-Partition violence is
strategically transformed into contemporary extremism, colonizing the village space. For
example, those men of the village who had converted to Islam—of their own free will or under
coercion—are no suspects at all. Interestingly, no-one from their earlier [Sikh] community tries
to find out and contact a convert. To restore their lost honour, Sikh men try to trace their leftbehind women, not men. A male convert is spared all the suspicions and tribulations that
Ayesha goes through.
The representation of a patriarchal society is a conspicuous theme in the film, a theatre of social
existence in which powerholders, feudal and religious figures, display their power. They are
creating a social order where children, teenagers and women are ‘disciplined’ to reinforce the
existing social (dis)order. The pack of religious extremists come to Charkhi village where they
are hosted by the local feudal lord. In a scene of the film, the landlord gathers local people in
the village mosque and after the congregational prayers introduces the young zealots as
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someone who want to strengthen Pakistan and ‘save’ its society from ‘evils’. He asks the
people to sit, listen to them and heed their call. Here a triangle of power—politicians, religious
figures, and feudals—is all too visible.
The religious zealots do not challenge the power of the feudal lord, who enjoys profligate life
among people who barely eke out a living. Ironically, the feudal lord, who throws a sumptuous
party at the wedding of his son, with a dance party in which a young female dancer entertains
an all-male audience sipping wine, both acts extremely abhorrent to Islam, is looked at as a
friend. On the other hand, Ayesha, a practicing Muslim who teaches the Quran to village
children and earns a meagre living, is a threat to the society and country. The film shows how
nationalism in its narrow form and ideology when supported by the state, cuts through human
relations through power and coercion. Saleem’s relations with his sweetheart and his mother
get transformed after he embraces an artificial ideological religious nationalism which gives
him an identity but robs him of human passion.
6.
Pakistan: a society in the throes of engineered transition
As communication is a symbolic process, Silent Waters depicts a society in the throes of
transition at different levels of social and political interaction. At the level of a postcolonial
State, the film’s tangential depiction of the role of Zia, a military dictator, in introducing
extremism in Pakistan takes this symbolic process into a context. The U.S.’ support for Zia to
use religious extremism for creating local labour to fight offshore war in Afghanistan has long
foreshadowed the region’s prospects with fateful implications for global security. The
emergence of Al-Qaida and its relationship to terrorist attacks in the U.S. defines the context
of 9/11 attacks. Created by militarized men of extreme patriarchal and religious views, the local
theatres of global militarization continue to oppress women long after the colonizing West,
which toady champions equal rights, has long exited the arena. Silent Waters apparently does
not establish this connection up front yet it opens a vast symbolic space in which organic social
reality is produced, maintained, transformed, or displaced. This strategic, contextual spatial
insight that the film provides identifies a metaphorical transformation of the historical phase of
distant village life into an immediate form of contemporary global level destruction—the “war
on terror.”
How the State creates ruptures in a meaningful life is embodied in the film through the
microcosm (or character) of Saleem. His radicalization was part of the State ideology, an
outside extremism plagues the village life. This political and ideological transition reinforced
the village patriarchal order without challenging the existing power equation. Thus, extremism
was a political and imperial phenomenon which was brought to the village from the outside,
but it enhanced the power of the powerful and intensified the subjugation of the common people
in the name of religion. Those who already have a power because of their economic clout, need
not to change themselves. Only plebeians must re-align themselves to new realities of life
because power resides in the same old centres. Partition not just maintains its existence in the
State apparatus, but it also became a symbolic medium not just to maintain memories in their
dormant form, but the essence of these tragic stories enables the State to transform and displace
local subjectivities.
The structure of oppression cannot escape the determination of human struggle as Foucault
(1988) establishes in his famous adage: where there is power, there is resistance. However, this
beautifully rendered melodrama does not show any resistance by women who are constantly
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coerced into submission. The only resistance conveyed is in the subtle defiance of Zubaida,
Saleem’s lover, of the village’s patriarchal traditions and conventions. She completes her
education and finds work in Rawalpindi, a garrison city, an irony. It is a form of resistance to
the feudal patriarchal conventions of rural Pakistan but not to the larger coercion of the State
and the society it shapes. As a young woman, her struggle is against her immediate
circumstances that constrict her potentials. In the end, she must find means of survival within
the working of the crushing, soulless manipulations of the State. Perhaps they are not as overtly
visible and fathomable to young (rural) women, just as they are not to men like Saleem, fed on
an education built on false, misplaced notions of patriotism and historical lies and distortions.
But a profound resistance that the film represents is that of imagination, the medium and the
message it embodies. In other words, the production of this movie itself is a form of defiance,
a meaning making cultural artifact that is steeped in storytelling. Through local characters, a
common parlance and history and setting, the film resonates with viewers at a level deeper than
one that is aimed at entertainment alone. Silent Waters reflects the global scope of
representation of local life. It uses a mixed medium of Punjabi and Urdu languages with subtitles in English language. In that sense, it complements the past and present efforts of the
political and civil society organizations that resist hegemony and power, offering a grounded
view of local socio-cultural milieu to help understand society as a condition of possibilities.
From this perspective, Silent Waters cautions us that meaning making could not just be derived
from social interactions or modified through cultural interpretations, but the powerful role of
the State apparatuses using history as a meaning making repository is also inescapable.
Though the film does not take away anything by way of the facts that constitutes the
contemporary Pakistani and regional reality, it surely lacks an insight into the much-needed
background. The group of fanatics in the film frequently refer to ‘Lahore,’ the provincial capital
of Pakistan’s powerful Punjab province, a city which is familiar to the Pakistani audience.
However, this can be confusing for non-Pakistani audience. The Jama’at-i-Islami, Pakistan’s
main religio-political party, has been the driving force behind religious extremism in the
country. General Zia’s dictatorship spearheaded the Jama’at’s extremist ideology in the name
of Islam. It is headquartered in Lahore. When the young missionaries who come to the village
to indoctrinate the youth refer to Lahore, they mean the Jama’at’s headquarters or the party
itself. Importantly, the physical battleground for the extremist mind, which Zia nurtured, was
and still is the tribal areas of Pakistan. The mention of Lahore identified the mindset,
ideological hub but makes no reference to tortured bodies other than women. We should not
forget that five million Pashtuns (Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017) live in the tribal districts
of Pakistan (formerly called FATA) whose lives have been torn to shreds by the Zia and
Musharraf regimes’ policy of injecting extremism to produce manpower for fighting the U.S.funded jihad in Afghanistan.
Silent Waters makes for an evocative and unsettling imagining of how historical form of trauma
is appropriated by imperialist politics to produce religious fanaticism as a matter of policy.
Extremism, it suggests, is not an ontological phenomenon. Nor could it be related to civil
society only. Overlooked or tolerated, or subtly or outrightly supported by State and law
enforcement institutions, extremist organizations reach out to the poor, creating identity crisis
and thriving on it. This situation exposes vulnerable people, especially youth to coercion and
exploitation. By joining a radical and puritanical organization, they get recognition and a voice,
which translate into a semblance of power. After acquiring a nuisance value through overt
religiosity, they become ‘somebody’ from ‘nobody’. This is the work of post-colonial artificial
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F. Jan, S. I. Ashraf, & S. F. A. Shah
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Pakistani nationalism, hegemony and ideology that regularly unleashes political and religious
extremism. Silent Waters makes us aware of the much talked about but not well-attended threat
of ideological extremism that is powerfully asserting itself at the global scene, often with
impunity and in varied ways and forms.
7.
Conclusion
Silent Waters is set in a Pakistani village with a focus on a local family, but the film’s
underlying thematic relevance is much wider than that. The film shows that social reality in
Pakistan is not merely a function of symbolic interactionism, a free flow of productive
information or interpretation required for the maintenance or transformation of a society; rather
it is a hard battle for the domination between everyday agents and pernicious postcolonial
structures—history as a spectre of violence and State as a system of colonial legacy. Silent
Waters identifies and connects the extremism as a malevolent force causing not just identity
crises in the local lives of common people, but also identifies how this displacement at the local
level surfaces now and then at the global level to poison our collective historical past, present
and the future.
In 1979, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan at the peak of the Cold War politics brought
the military dictator, General Zia of Pakistan, on the same page with the Western capitalist
notions of threat to the “free world” — as it did another Pakistani military dictator Gen. Pervez
Musharraf in the post-9/11 world (Mark & Yousaf, 2001). These regional imperialist wars were
the inculcation of extremism that turned common people, mostly Pashtuns, into laborers in the
imperialist tradition. Fighting a decades-long proxy war, the capitalist bloc by using local youth
as fodder, armours, and fighters forced the Soviets out of Afghanistan, but the war also took a
heavy toll on Pakistani society, specifically on the Pashtuns of the tribal areas. Silent Waters
depicts this crucial phase of the regional history with a focus on the radical transformation of
everyday life in a small village. It shows how the silent water of State-sponsored extremism
wiped out the basic unit of family in a country where 63.33 per cent people live a marginalized
rural life (Macrotrends, 2018).
The film makes a vital contribution to the representation of regional history, connecting Islamic
militancy (jihad) and the U.S. imperialism, a portrayal that unearths those fault lines that
enabled the Pakistani State to impose insanity on a village life. In other words, the interplay of
local patriarchy, colonial history and State-sponsored jihad are the dominant themes of the film
that show how extremism in Pakistan took birth on the cusp of meta-structural forces. From
this perspective, the film takes up the task of showing how the social fabrics in a rural set-up
broke apart because of outside pressures and how this displacement gave way to a statesponsored militant Islam, connecting extremism to British colonial history and contemporary
imperialist order.
The film’s most important contribution could be attributed to its theoretical implication, a
significance that reinforces the worth of postcolonial literature. The film shows how a historical
form of colonial violence sets a template for dominating everyday life, an understanding that
challenges all those functional academic approaches in which imperialism is denied having any
role in regulating postcolonial lives. This approach celebrates individual freedom while
ignoring hierarchical patterns of State power and neo-imperialism. Silent Waters defies this
voluntarism: Ayesha is a character situated at the intersection of a traumatic past and a turbulent
present. By throwing herself into the village’s well, this character signifies the truth of a
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Khamosh Pani: partition trauma, gender violence and religious extremism in Pakistan
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postcolonial subject—a life caught in the web of imperialist oppression, a violent revival of the
spectre of a traumatic past.
Finally, looking from the perspective of organized State violence and imperialist oppression,
Silent Waters is a representation of a toxic hegemonic process, which shows how a steady flow
of silent water has started to inundate Pakistani society, creating ideological justification for
religious extremism the world over. In view of the increasing incidents of terrorism the world
over, the film is more relevant today than it was before.
Funding acknowledgement:
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests:
None
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